The product of 16 years of delicate negotiations between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) is bound to futility unless the widest consensus in shaping it is reached. This is how civil society views the developments leading to the Bangsamoro, the new autonomous political entity set to replace the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in 2016.

 

IAG sat with members of Bangsamoro civil society in Makati City on February 20 to glean lessons from their experience in the ARMM in time for the drafting of the Basic Law by the Bangsamoro Transition Commission (BTC).The backdrop of the discussion is the promotion of women and children rights in the region.

 

UNICEF, IAG’s project partner, believes the Bangsamoro through the Basic Law presents a new opportunity wherein the protection and welfare of women and children can be articulated. This interest goes beyond the formulation of the letter of the law to how in reality the new law will translate into the well-being of women and children and how their rights will be preserved within the contexts of forthcoming public institutions in the Bangsamoro.

 

From here on, there is an opportunity to articulate development in many sectors of the Bangsamoro, not only women and children, but also other critical areas such as health and education. Such articulation in the Basic Law will serve well public interest groups such as UNICEF and civil society organizations (CSOs) in the aspect of programming and project implementation, which in turn will benefit communities.

 

Below is the summary of talking points from the IAG-UNICEF roundtable:

Plusses

Minuses

What’s interesting

ARMM is used to solving big problems

But it is not advancing in many critical aspects of governance and development

What changes will occur during the transitional government and, subsequently, in the Bangsamoro?

Easy to command atop a centralized system

But LGUs that are not “in the center” cannot easily access centrally-managed resources

As a result the “center” is ignorant of what is happening on the ground, and vice versa

ARMM and its constituent LGUs are gearing towards localized governance to meet the real needs of people at the grassroots level

But there is disconnect in policy and technical support and decision-making because of multi-tier process in program implementation. The decision-making is largely lodged in the regional government

 

 

There are functions and resources, including budget which have not been devolved to LGUs. For instance, the DSWD implements programs that are designed at the national level in the LGUs

Will the programs, funds, and functions the ARMM wanted devolved to the region finally happen in the Bangsamoro? Will the Bangsamoro be amenable to sharing power, thus devolving more functions to constituent LGUs?

There is space in the ARMM for women to participate in governance

 

 

There is significant interest from development partners and donors to develop this sector

Children’s agenda is not seriously integrated in the main agenda

The Bangsamoro presents a new opportunity to articulate women, youth and children development

LGUs have access to IRA, local resources and, under the law, can initiate local revenue generation

Corruption is deeply rooted in the ARMM regional government down to LGUs

What transparency and accountability mechanisms the Bangsamoro will install to curb graft and corruption?

Multiculturalism, different vibrant cultures

Differences sometimes create divisions

How cultural dynamics and mainland-island politics will play out in the Bangsamoro?

“Familiar and familial” (not bureaucratic) governance

 

Governance that operates on relations and relationships

Dynastic politics, “family brand” of governance happens when these relations and relationships do not cross family borders

How to re-invent governance on the backdrop of these relations/relationships?

 

How to evolve a combination of relationship-based/clan-based and bureaucratic governance?

 

 

More on this:

A governance that is “house-centered”, not “office-centered”?

 

People see governance not in the structures/office buildings but in the relationships they are able to build with the people in it

Reforms are happening. CSOs have never been this involved

 

The regional Cabinet holds expanded meetings to accommodate CSOs

 

 

The regional government is capable of building relationship with CSOs. It is more functional. The governor sits in meetings

LGU code is problematic. There are no regular meetings at the LGU level. CSO involvement in local boards not happening

Will the circumstances be different in the Bangsamoro?

More CSO participation in governance, hence smoother implementation of projects on the ground, aided by significant reforms in the security sector

Persistent corruption, weak transparency and widespread poverty overwhelm some processes

 

There is a tendency to distrust new processes that are being introduced by CSOs

Will there be more multi-sector, inter-agency, and inter-LGU collaboration in the new Bangsamoro?