Editor's note: Originally titled "Factors that Trigger Radicalization of Muslim Community in the Philippines", this paper was presented during the regional conference on “The Radicalization of Muslim Communities in Southeast Asia” organized by Konrad Adenauer-Stiftung in cooperation with the Philippine Council for Islam and Democracy (PCID) on December 1-2, 2006 at Mandarin Oriental Hotel, Makati City. The author is executive director of the Institute of Bangsamoro Studies (IBS). Comments to This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

 

Introduction

Since the destruction of the World Trade Center and part of Pentagon by terrorists last September 11, 2001, there have been discussions on the different interpretations of Islam and as a result, different categorization of Muslims. In literatures, we encounter terms like those of political Islam, moderate Islam, and radical Islam. Moderate, radical or extremist are common labels used by media in describing Muslim political behavior. Policy studies take a broader view in their categorization. Study by Rand Corporation for example characterizes Muslim tendencies in the Muslim World into radical fundamentalist, scriptural fundamentalist, traditionalist, modernist, liberal secularist and authoritarian secularist (Rabasa 2004, 5-25).

 

The Muslim in the Philippines is being seen by Filipinos as radical community. The Philippine Human Development Report (2005: 56) shows that almost half (47 percent) of the Filipinos believe that Muslims are probably terrorists or extremists; and majority (55 percent) think that Muslims are probably more prone to run amok.

 

Is the Muslim community in the Philippines radical, and what are the factors that cause or may cause its radicalization? These are issues, I think, that need to be clarified.

 

Is the Muslim community radical?

Radical is a relative term, understood differently by different people. In today’s climate, defining radical Muslim depends more on the political position of the person making the judgment.

 

In most cases, the term radical is defined in terms of use or support of terrorism and other forms of violence. Recent policy researches stretch the definition to include “the willingness to use or justify violence to attain political objectives.” (Rabasa 2005: 2)

 

The problem in defining the term radical is, most often, it would include struggles of peoples who have legitimate grievances or who strive for their right to self-determination. Any definition would even include struggles for independence of many countries since some form of violence had been used to achieve the objective to gain political independence. Thus, I am more inclined to use a narrow definition to exclude legitimate struggles of peoples that use methods in the tradition of liberation movements.

 

Looking at the Muslim community in the Philippines is it radical?

 

The Muslims are a minority in this country. Although there are significant number of them in Metro Manila, Luzon and the Visayas, the Muslim concentration is in the five provinces of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). In Mindanao they constitute around 23 percent of the population. There are 13 ethno-linguistic groups that comprise the Muslim community. In addition, there are also some Muslims among the other indigenous peoples of Mindanao and converts in many parts of the country. Bangsamoro, a political construct, is adopted by the Muslims in Mindanao as an identity in support of their struggle for self-determination.

 

The Muslims have valid grievances. This is acknowledged by the US State Department in a letter to the late MILF chairman Salamat Hashim. These grievances have historical, cultural, social, economic, political, and religious dimensions. The failure to address these grievances triggered the war with the government. At the forefront of this struggle are the MNLF (Moro National Liberation Front) and MILF (Moro Islamic Liberation Front). Both enjoy wide mass support.

 

The MNLF and MILF have come from the tradition of national liberation movements and came into being long before the emergence of terrorist groups like the Al-Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiyah. Peace negotiations have been the primary method used by the two movements in achieving their political goals. It can be observed that more time is spent by government and the two organizations talking peace than in actual combat. In 1996, the Philippine Government and the MNLF concluded their long-drawn negotiations with a peace pact, and the MILF is now having peace talks with the government.

 

The MNLF and MILF have not, as a policy and in practice, engaged in terrorism or acts of terrorism by deliberately targeting civilians. The MILF is cooperating with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) in interdicting criminal elements including terrorists. In fact, early this year the MILF had repositioned its troops to give way to AFP operation against the Abu Sayyaf. This cooperation has been possible because of the moderate and pragmatic policies of the MILF started by Salamat Hashim when he initiated constructive engagement with the United States in a letter to President Bush in January 2003.

 

It is true that a terror group like the Abu Sayyaf committed a long list of kidnapping, murder, bombing and other terrorist activities. Nevertheless, ASG membership is only between 250 to 300 militants. (Abuza 2005: 27) Even if we add their allies from other groups and their supporters, the total may be just around few thousands. Certainly, this number does not represent the Muslim community of 3,637,839 members in Mindanao.

 

The Muslim community in Mindanao has the tradition of being tolerant. The Muslims welcomed Christian settlers to their homeland. The war in Mindanao has not even changed their attitude. In a survey conducted last year by the Social Weather Stations (2005), 90 percent of the Muslims accept Christians as best friends, 90 percent as teachers, and 83 percent as neighbors, while willingness of Christians to accept Muslims as best friends, teachers and neighbors are just 61 percent, 58 percent, and 52 percent, respectively.

 

Factors that trigger radicalization

 

Radicalization of the whole Muslim community, or even just the majority, is unlikely. Everywhere in the Muslim world, according to Rabasa (2005: 2), radicals are a minority. What maybe possible to take place are extremists like the Abu Sayaff will increase in number and the emergence of new radical groups. The factors that can trigger this to happen can be varied. Listed below are observable ones at the moment but might change tomorrow depending upon the upshot of political and social dynamics in the Philippines as well as in Mindanao.

 

Frustration

Frustration on resolution of the Bangsamoro problem can push some Muslims to explore alternatives that might include radical methods. The root cause of this problem, according to Bishop Orlando Quevedo (2004), is injustice – injustice to Moro identity, political identity and integral development. Their history and experiences under the Republic of the Philippines have bearing on their struggle.

 

The Muslims have long historical experience in state formation and governance that started as early as the middle of the 15th century. By the time the Spanish colonialists arrived in the Philippine Islands the Muslims had already established their own states and governments with diplomatic and trade relations with other countries including China. Administrative and political system based on the realities of the time existed. They resisted the Spanish colonization and engaged the colonizers in war that lasted for more than three centuries. They also opposed their incorporation into the Philippines, a new political construct that did not exist before 1898.

 

After their homeland was incorporated into the Republic of the Philippines, the Muslims lost most of their lands. The government failed to protect their interest over their lands, and worst still, government policies are among the reasons why they lost their lands to migrants from the north.

 

Being part of the Philippines has not given them prosperity. The Muslim community is the poorest part of the Philippines. Incidence of poor families in five predominant Muslim provinces is 68.8 percent.

 

The Government failed to secure their person and property. The reported massacres of Muslims in Manili, Tacub, Malisbung and Pata Island remain unresolved until now. Seemingly, the Government has no interest of giving the victims justice.

 

The valid grievances of the Muslims have to be addressed to their satisfaction. While early resolution of the problem is necessary, the substance should not be sacrificed. Frustration coming out from failure to have just solution to the problem might spawn multiple initiatives that may include extremist ways. Struggle inspired by people’s aspiration for freedom and justice can be enduring.

 

Anti-Muslim bias

There is the danger that persistent strong Christian bias will push some sectors of the Muslim community to the fringes of radicalization since prejudice of the majority can cause exclusion of the minority from jobs, education, housing and business opportunities. These are evident in the personal experiences of Muslims on how they were shut out of jobs, housing and study opportunities recounted in the Philippine Human Development Report (2005: 53-54)

 

The report (PHDR 2005: 58) reveals that a considerable percentage (33 percent to 39 percent) of Filipinos is biased against Muslims. Exclusion from job opportunities is very high given that 46 percent of the Christian population would choose to hire Christian male worker and 40 percent Christian female domestic helper. Only 4 percent prefer to hire a Muslim male worker and 7 percent Muslim female domestic helper. Majority of the Christians cannot even accept Muslims as neighbors, as the study shows that in Metro Manila 57 percent opt for residence with higher rent but far from a Muslim community.

 

Presence of radical Muslims

The reported presence of militants in Mindanao coming from the Jemaah Islamiyah is a dangerous source of radicalization in view of the fact that JI is known for its terrorist activities. Although there is no confirmed report of JI recruitment in Mindanao, their reported alliance with the Abu Sayyaf can be a source of concern for this will expand the capability of the two groups to sow terror. The threat really is JI will become an inspiration to any group who feel frustrated on the state of condition of the Muslim community.

 

Deep penetration agents

Government deep penetration agents (DPA) are being suspected of radicalizing their target groups. With the desire to get as many information as possible, these agents have no qualm of introducing militant ideas and methods to get the trust and confidence of their targets.

 

Communist recruitment

This year, the Philippine Daily Inquirer (July 15, 2005: 17) reported that the communist-led National Democratic Front (NDF) is recruiting Muslims to become guerrillas of the New People's Army and is setting up a new group known as Moro Resistance and Liberation Organization (MRLO). It is likely that NDF recruits will be indoctrinated with not only communist ideology, but also strategies and tactics that can be considered terrorist since the NDF is listed as one of the terrorist organizations by the United States. The week-long congress last July was attended by 25 delegates coming from the different Muslim ethno-linguistic groups. Potential recruits are from the ranks of liberal secularist in the Muslim community.

 

Insights and recommendations

I am inclined to believe that the Muslims in the Philippines are a moderate community. However, it is a fact that there are militant groups operating in Mindanao. Although the extremists are few, their presence is a source of concern because of their ability to sow terror.

 

Addressing the problem of radicalization needs two-pronged approach – isolate the militants, and prevent the moderates to swing towards radicalization. Campaign against extremists must have zero tolerance to human rights violation to deny them the issue to rally support and attract recruitment.

 

To avert the radicalization of the moderates, there should be concerted effort to find solution to the Bangsamoro problem, solution satisfactory to the Bangsamoro people. Support shall be given to the on-going peace process for this is so far the best option to achieve just and workable solution. However, support should not come as an imposition, whether in subtle or obvious way. The 1996 peace accord failed because it was a formula imposed on the Bangsamoro people by the Organization of Islamic Conference.

 

Inclusion in the proposed amendments to the constitution of a provision on right to secede can prevent use of violence because of existence of constitutional mechanism people can resort to. This will be an effective disincentive to radicalization.

 

There is a need to educate the Christian population, particularly those in Metro Manila, Luzon, Visayas and Christian communities in Mindanao, on Islam and Muslim culture, history and way of life to reduce Christian biases against Muslims. Since majority obtains information from television (78 percent) and radio (44 percent), the media have to be engaged in this effort. (PHDR 2005: 55)

 

The private sector, particularly companies operating in Mindanao, should be urged to hire Muslim workers to lessen the feeling of exclusion in the Muslim community. 

 

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